Invisible University

Politics
 
   Pre-primary campaign contri-
   butions
   Don Imus re cognitive regime
 
Essays
 
   Decognification
   Racism
 
Conceptual  fragments
 
   Cognitive regime
   Nietzsche, Lenin, Piaget
   Microgenesis
   Dynastic vs. Bourgeois
 
Speculations
 
   Complexity
   Entropy
   Dark energy
   The Singularity
 
 
 
Case studies
 
   New Deal and “capital”
   Schiavo case
   Eight Mile Road
   The Meeting
   Kramer’s outburst



ISS 1510: Thinking about Politics: A Methods and Data-based,
                   Event- and Process-oriented Approach


 This course began with an unforseen event: the Imus brouhaha.  We began with the injunction to pay attention only to actual data--in this case, as indicated in Figure 1, actual statements, related statements, institutions, institutional roles, markets, etc.  Your own feelings about the issue are irrelevant, and an obstacle to serious intellectual activity.  Nevertheless, it is now part of our popular culture to emphasize feeling over thinking.  It is the responsiblity of the faculty in an institution such as this to make this problem clear, rather than take the easy way out by encouraging the mindless blurtings that dominate the media and fill so many classrooms.


Figure 1.  The Don Imus Affair
 



The figure above embodies the mental discipline so central to advanced thought.  We do not express our feelings about Imus's remark: we examine evidence, assemble facts, analayze contexts, and deploy the theoretical models found in the literature or developed by ourselves.

In the above figure, text production and distribution falls under the authority of the corporation of which Imus is only an employee, not a citizen on a soapbox, and therefore issues of free speech are irrelevant.  What is if critical importance, however, is the place of the listener in this system of relations, and therefore theories that deal with the listener are relevant (see reception theory).

In addition, with the intervention of the corporate advertisers into the Imus affair, questions of corporate structure, of inter-organizational relations, and of the relationship of corporate structure and networks to politics, are at issue.  One might Google these firms, look them up in Opensecrets.org and thewhitehouseforsale.org, and more generally take advantage of the Internet.
 
The figure below suggests that we view the Imus affair as a wormhole that leads into the depths of being.  The figure below shows the course conceived of, in part, as just such an event-based entry into the problematic of politics.


 

 
Don Imus's words, and the reactions to them, become an originary explosion sending shock waves through the domain of being.  A concept of Demonization is required to cover the common characteristics of these shock jocks.  Such a concept must deal with the rage, the sexual perversions, and the sadism expressed by these shock jocks.  These are the primal forces,  the dark energy, of politics.  As such it draws us into literature and philosophy on the one side, psychology and biology on the other.  But it also, as in the Imus case, draws us especially into a concept of the theater of sadism, on the one hand, and a concept of cogntive regime, on the other.

Letters to the editor and electronic comments are special resources providing insight into the cognitive structures of public engagement with the media.


MediaMatters.org provides a valuable service in monitoring media and rhetoric.  One article recounts Imu's long history of sado-sexual rheotical gestures.  Another surveys the varieties of "offensive" language of a large number of talk show hosts.


Barak Obama:


Expressions to avoid: Is Obama black enough?  What does he really think?  Does Barak Obama have enough experience to be President?  Can he win?

Family background, education, and career vector--these are the three areas of Obama's life that are in question.  Although his maternal grandparents raised him, we know little about them. Fortunately, for purposes of historical understanding in today's world this is no problem.  As will be seen, the subjective, personal experiences, the feelings and hopes of Barrak Obama are utterly irrelevant for an understanding of the nature of "his" politics.  

In the decomposition of fictitious entities (fictitious from the standpoint of being), and the constitution of the being of the phenomona in question, "Obama" is seen to be a derivative of and a functional entity within a force-and-configuration complex.  Even his text production will appear, once we get out from under the spell cast by his obvious verve and intelligence, as a routine and predictable deployment of a standard repertoire of cliches, vague tone poems to particular subsets of widely shared sentiments sociologically contextualized.

As a first approximation, the "Barak Obama" of interest to the study of politics can be comprehended as a career vector.  (second approximation as an element in institutional matrix of Chicago Internationalists-Adlai Stevenson was a partner in the Sidley Austin law firm--defined by both their input-output inter-organizational flows and their political networks.  Such networks of power encompassing input-output flows, intistnonal bonds andd poltiical conenctison , taken thgether, can be called strategic elites.)

Career vector (in progress)


 1983    BA    Columbia
 1984    editor, International Financial Section, the Economist (Business International Corp.)
 1985    moves to Chicago, voter registration drive
 1988    Enters Harvard law School
 1990    Harvard Law Review, President; meets Abe Mikva
 1991    J.D.
 1991    Intern, Sidley Austin; mentored by and then marries Michelle Robinson, a partner
 1993-  
Associate attorney, Miner, Barnhill & Galland
 1996    
 1993-   
Lecturer, Univesity of Chicago Law School
 2004    
 2004    U. S. Senate campaign supported by Chicago Tribune and Chicago Sun-Times
 2004    hires former Senate Democratic Leader Tom Daschle's ex-chief of staff for the same      
            position, and Karen Kornbluh, an economist who was deputy chief of staff to former
            Secretary of the Treasury Robert Rubin, as his policy adviser
 2006    meets with Abe Mikva and Newton Minnow re presidential campaign

It is useful to immeiately look at the top twenty contributors to Obama's campaigns.
Campaign contributions (Opensecrets.org)

On the other hand, education is of vital imporatance: Hartvard Law Review,  Abe Mikva, the Economist--three key moments in the transitioning of Obama the merely human being to Barak Obama,  element in institutional matrix of Chicago-Stevenson (Sidley Austin law firm) strategic elite.

Sectoral Patterns in the U. S. Economy, 1866 - 1939

(This table is derived from a study of the Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State.)

Commodities in
International Trade
Tobacco, Cotton, Sugar,
Corn, Wheat, 

Copper, Oil
Securities
Bloc
Securities and Finance
Legal Services
Infrastructure
Primary Materials
Captive Capital Goods
Mass Consumption
and Mass Housing
Producer Services
Distributive Services
Construction
Captive Production
Inputs
Manufacturing
Modern Machinery
and Continuous
Process Multinationals
Metal
Electro-Mechaical
Food
Drugs
Tobacco

Campaign Finance.  When one looks at OpenSecrets.org top twenty contributors for Senate candidates, the question of financing any particlar campaign is transformed into the question of the apprehension of the total data set over time.  What one "sees" is that the continuous process--as such--of funding party campaigns is ontologically prior to any particular candidate or campaign.  The data shows that media discussion of camp fin that suggst immaculate conception--the candidate pops up out of nowhere and then seeks money--is stupifyingly wrong.  The money is always "there" in the praxiological orientation (which unfolds historically) of the major institutions of modern society.  There a re a few baslci paterms in camap fin that are endlessly repeated.  This relaible repetitivenesss is b oth depth and surface of being (Miguel de Beistegui, Truth and Genesis: Philosophy as Differential Ontology)

the ffreudian overload.  the crushing of perception under the weight of the need for prijection/dislacemeebnt.  this occurs when certin issues are raised, and, b eaue they have become cathected in the theater of adism in the public ralm, the inteanl anxiety becomes so high when attmepting to assemble an emprical array that there ccan be no fct but that it b ecomes the prop for th eroejction of md.  wht this does is short-circuit the clasasroom process; the rfreudian overload means that cognitive processing never begings,.  what happens is that the fact is immiedeately engulfed by a miasma of semio-moralis--how do you feel about       ?  Or do you think it was right to       ?  What is imporntt in all this is the role of what we mistakenly call the "media":  the media is a moment in the unfolding of the appetitite-desire-corporate-market-media complex.  Only in the last generation has this appeitite/desire-corporate-market-media complex acquired  an organic hegemony over symbolic processes in everyday life and in society in its public expression.  And it is within the text production dynamic of this complex that preoperational thought is both valorized (nods of profound aproval to corrrct preop responses) and reinforced, formal operational thought belittled, and concrete operational thought rare (Anderson Cooper).


there is a very bad notyion that students have that knowldge is a gi ve, fixed, a thing known, and once nknowsn, forever fixed in form and content.  The word truth is heard a lot.  The issue is not ab out the oproc3ess of knowing, about hetods of invstigtion, or about exiting pesectivies, about the necessity if cticism and the invtibability of pluralism--there is nver any thing really fixed forever as true.  yet our studnets tink this way--that there is kowdge in the form of fcts or some kind of collectiion of micro satements.